Seraphic Secret is not going to spend a great deal of time of Obama’s visit to Israel.
It is Kabuki theater.
Israel is focused on domestic issues. The so-called Palestinians are a pathologically sick culture steeped in Jew-hatred and victimhood. Most Israelis have correctly given up on this demented society.
In foreign affairs, Iran is the main game in town. The people and the government of the Jewish State understand that Obama will never authorize a military attack on the genocidal-yearning Persians. Israel, as always, will go it alone. Everyone in Israel gets this—excluding crazed leftists, who are, by definition, delusional.
Netanyahu and Obama will pose together, smile, and shake hands. But in truth, they hate each other’s guts. Netanyahu sees Obama as a naive appeaser of radical Islam, a man who helped install the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, a standard leftist whose entire history is bound up with Jew-haters and drooling anti-Zionists. Obama sees Netanyahu through a Marxist prism: a colonial usurper—a haughty Jew.
Obama’s only consequential meeting will be with Jordan’s King Abdullah, whose grip on power is in jeopardy. The Muslim Brotherhood smells blood in the region thanks to the absence of a Pax Americana, and they are making moves to ignite a revolution in Jordan and depose the hated Hashemites. Abdullah belongs to the Hashemite tribe that was kicked out of Mecca in what is now Saudi Arabia one hundred years ago.
In spite of Jordan’s notorious and ruthless secret police, nothing is secure in the Arab-Muslim Middle East where treachery and clan hatred are ingested with mother’s milk. Abdullah will surely smile politely, and nod his head when Obama pledges that “America has Jordan’s back.”
This vow, Abdullah understands, is a death sentence.
Thus, Abdullah will try and talk some sense into Obama, realize that it’s a waste of time, and then go back to the Israelis and strengthen their already extremely close (and secret) intelligence and military ties.
At the moment, the Israeli and the Jordanians are dealing with the nasty fallout in Syria, where the Islamists are poised to assume power. Keeping these bloodthirsty lunatics in check will call for a great deal of military and diplomatic coordination.
The Atlantic has published Jeffrey Goldberg’s extensive profile of Jordan’s King Abdullah. It’s a fascinating read because Abdullah actually says things that are informed by knowledge and wisdom.
Here King Abdullah nails the truth about the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, Hamas, Turkey’s Tayyip Erdogan, and Egypt’s MB dictator Mohammed Morsi:
Which is not to say that the Hashemites don’t harbor visceral dislike for the Brotherhood. Abdullah expounds on that dislike to many of the Western visitors he receives—in part because he believes his Western allies are naive about the Brotherhood’s intentions. “When you go to the State Department and talk about this, they’re like, ‘This is just the liberals talking, this is the monarch saying that the Muslim Brotherhood is deep-rooted and sinister.’ ” Some of his Western interlocutors, he told me, argue that “the only way you can have democracy is through the Muslim Brotherhood.” His job, he says, is to point out that the Brotherhood is run by “wolves in sheep’s clothing” and wants to impose its retrograde vision of society and its anti-Western politics on the Muslim Middle East. This, he said, is “our major fight”—to prevent the Muslim Brothers from conniving their way into power across the region.
Though most of the gulf monarchs remain his allies—because they, too, fear the Muslim Brotherhood—the king’s expansive, moderate understanding of Islam has served to isolate him from the Arab world’s rising rulers. Tunisia is now ruled by Islamists. In Egypt, Hosni Mubarak, a longtime Jordanian ally, has been replaced by Mohamed Morsi, a Brotherhood leader. The king argues that a new, radical alliance is emerging—one that both complements and rivals the Iranian-led Shia crescent. “I see a Muslim Brotherhood crescent developing in Egypt and Turkey,” he told me. “The Arab Spring highlighted a new crescent in the process of development.”
Abdullah is wary of Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish prime minister, whose Justice and Development Party is, he believes, merely promoting a softer-edged version of Islamism. (“Erdogan once said that democracy for him is a bus ride,” Abdullah reports. “ ‘Once I get to my stop, I’m getting off.’ ”) He sees Erdogan as a more restrained and more savvy version of Mohamed Morsi, who set back Muslim Brotherhood’s cause in Egypt by making a premature play for absolute power. “Instead of the Turkish model, taking six or seven years—being an Erdogan—Morsi wanted to do it overnight,” the king said.
If the king is wary of Erdogan, he is decidedly unimpressed with Morsi, whom he recently met in Riyadh, the Saudi capital. The two men were discussing the role of Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Palestinian branch. “There is no depth there,” Abdullah told me. “I was trying to explain to him how to deal with Hamas, how to get the peace process moving, and he was like, ‘The Israelis will not move.’ I said, ‘Listen, whether the Israelis move or don’t move, it’s how we get Fatah and Hamas”—the two rival Palestinian factions—“together.” When Morsi remained fixated on the Israelis (“He’s like, ‘The Israelis, the Israelis’ ”), Abdullah said, he tried to reiterate the importance of sorting out “the mess” on the Palestinian side.
“There’s no depth to the guy,” he repeated.